Until 1988 Banteay Meanchey was part of Battambang. The provincial capital is Svay Sisophon. It’spopulation in 2007 was 586,571, of which 72% is classified as rural. In 2007, some 37.2% of the population live under the poverty line.

Agricultural cropping accounts for 67.8% of economic activities, livestock 5.4%, forestry 0.2% and fisheries 0.3%. The harvested area of rice is 184,562 hectares with an average yield of 1.6 tons per hectares; maize on 7,745 hectares with an average yield of 2 tons; sesame on 118 hectares with an average yield of 0.48 tons; mung beans on 7,097 hectares wit an average yield of 0.50 tons; soyabean on 2,700 hectares with an average of 0.5 ton; peanuts on 96 hectares with an average yield of 0.5 tons; and cassava on 333 hectares with an average yield of 14.3 tons. Fruits harvested include coconut, banana, mango, orange, jackfruit, and cashew. Small-scale fish catch amounts to 2,000 tons and commercial fish catch to 1,200 tons.

The service sector accounts for 8.7% of economic activity and the secondary sector – 17.6%. Much of this is related to Banteay Meanchey’s strategic location on the GMS Southern corridor and the border check point of Poipet, which plays an important role in trade with Thailand.

Rose de Païlin est le roman le plus célèbre de Gnok Thaém et un des classiques de la litérature cambodgienne moderne. Il fut publié en 1943. Gnok Thaém fut un des fondateurs de l’Associaion des Écrivains khmers, il reçut de nombreuse distinctions au Cambodge, au Laos et au Vietnam dont le Dragon d’Annam. Il mourrut en 1975, après les Khmers rouges arrivèrent au pouvoir, laissant une vingtaine d’ouvrages concernant le Bouddhisme, le pâli et la litérature. Inscrit au programme de l’enseignement secondaire au Cambodge en 1958, “La Rose de Païlin” a été étudié jusqu’à 1975 par les jeunes Cambodgiens.

Chét est le caractère principal du roman. Il fut né à Svay Po, au centre de Battambang. Après la mort de son père, Cheum, il est recommandé par le docteur Sâat pour travailler pour le Luong Ratana Sambat, un ancien ministre qui est devenu un négociant en pierres précieuses bien connu à Païlin. Le docteur Sâat est son neveu.

Chét devint mineur de gemmes dans l’entreprise du Luong Ratana Sambat. Il s’efforcait d’accomplir sa tâche de tout son coeur, sans ménager sa peine. Il avait découvert l’air pur de Païlin et une nature où se mêlaiet forêts, jungles et montagnes désolées.

Le Luong Ratana Sambat avait une jeune fille, Neary. Elle avait des yeux adorables, emplis de nectar, mais se montrait un peu hautaine. Son attitude était empreinte de préciosité, de souplesse et de grâce. Elle avait un beau teint clair et son visage était rond comme un lune. Sa voix possédait la sonorité aigrelette d’un gong d’argent et sa démarche la flexibilité d’un rose qu’agite doucement le vent au milieu d’un jardin. Oh! Comme elle était belle.  

Un matin, après avoir employé six mois chez Luong Ratanak Sambat, Chét sortit pour aller extraire les gemmes. En passant devant la maison principale, il vit que Neary et le Luong Ratana Sambat était assis dans la voiture. Ils devaient aller au district de Sangke, à Battambang. Mais le moteur de voulait pas partir. Chét s’approcha, salua Monsieur Ratana Sambat et examina le moteur. Il fixa le problème, donna un coup de manivelle et la moteur marha. Le grand-père Son, le chauffeur, demanda au Luong Ratana Sambat pourque Chét le remplace, comme sa femme qui était arrivée le matin.

Sur la route de retour, le moteur stoppa. Ils étaient accompagné par le Balat, chef du district de Sangke. Ils devaient passer la nuit près de la route. Chét prenait un pistolet pour protéger.

 

Chét est le caractère principal du roman.

La province de Battambang est située à 293 km, au Nord-Ouest du Phnom Penhn. Pour aller au Battambang on peut prendre la Route Nationale 5, qui sert de la principale connection entre Phnom Penh et les provinces du Nord Est du Cambodge. La ville est située sur le fleuve Stung Sangke, au milieu d’une riche plaine agricole. L’une des provinces les plus riches du pays, Battambang a une étendue de 18.550 km2.  

Battambang est connue comme le « grenier à riz » du Cambodge. Avant la guerre, le Cambodge exportait des millions de tonnes de riz, la plupart vevant de Battambang. Les cambodgiens adorent aussi les oranges de Battambang. Les autres cultures principales sont les dourions et les ananas.

En plus de l’agriculture, la province de Battambang est réputée pour ses nombreux sites historiques et culturels.

À Battambang on peut visiter les grottes et les stupas du bouddha au sommet de la colline Phnom Sampov, situées à environ 12 kilomètres de la ville.

Le Temple Wat Banan, construit en latérite, date du XI è siècle.

Le temple de Basaèt fut construit principalement sous le règne du roi Suryavarman I – celui qui fut battisseur de Prasat Preah Vihear. De grande dimension, le temple de Basaèt est très richement sculpté, et fut un lieu de culte important. Trois enceintes successives percées de portes entouraient plusieurs sanctuaires réunis autour d’une tour centrale précédée d’un avant-corps massif.

1. Historical background

 

After the fall of the Pol Pot regime in 1979, the retreating Khmer Rouge divisions led by Ieng Sary settled in a forested area infested by malaria in Banteay Meanchey Province along the Cambodian-Thai border now know as Malai. The area had become a battlefield between the Khmer Rouge and the People’s Republic of Kampuchea. On 22 June 1982 the Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea (CGDK) was formed in Kuala Lumpur by three Cambodian warring factions: the Khmer Rouge, FUNCINPEC and the Khmer People’s National Liberation Front (KPNLF). The Khmer Rouge was the main military force of the coalition government.

 

In 1985 the Khmer Rouge had to abandon Malai in the face of the assault led by the army of the People’s Republic of Kampuchea. They came back again in 1990s to settle down in the area in order to prepare for the peaceful settlement of the Cambodian problem.

 

After the 1993 elections, the Khmer Rouge decentralized their command structures as follows: Pol Pot was responsible for the area of Phnom Chhat; Ieng Sary – Pailin and Malai; Ta Mok – Anlong Veng; and Son Sen – Samlot. By mid-1990s, the Royal Cambodian Armed Forces (RCAF) launched an assault and took control of Phnom Chhat in Banteay Meanchey. Pol Pot fled the area and settled in Anlong Veng.

 

However, by mid-1990s there was a schism in the Khmer Rouge movement. Some Khmer Rouge leaders believed that it would not be possible to win the war against the Royal Government of Cambodia. The Khmer Rouge had to adopt a tactics of fighting, while pursuing negotiations with the government. This group was led by Ieng Sary. However, the group led by Pol Pot and Ta Mok believed that the Khmer Rouge should continue the war, as Cambodia was still occupied by the Vietnamese. Any attempt to negotiate a peaceful solution would not lead to a lasting solution. The flame of war would engulf Cambodia again, if a lasting solution cannot be reached. They opted for a military solution to the Cambodian problem.

 

On 28 August 1996, the United National Democratic Movement was formed at the initiative of Ieng Sary with the support of Y Chhien and Sok Pheap, respectively commanders of the 415 and 450 divisions of the Armed Forces of the Democratic Kampuchea (AFDK), stationed in Pailin and Malai.

 

Son Sen and Ta Mok convened a meeting in order to try to mediate a solution with Ieng Sary. The schism of Khmer Rouge leadership widened. The dispute resulted in the killing of Son Sen and his family by Ta Mok’s bodyguards. Ta Mok also organized a trial of Pol Pot in Anlong Veng. Pol Pot subsequently died in 1997.

 

Prime Minister Hun Sen initiated a win-win policy in order to put an end to the Cambodian problem and bring the remnants of the Khmer Rouge into the national folds. This policy is also known as DIFID (destroy, integrate, develop), which led to the dismantling of the political and military organization of the Khmer Rouge.

 

2. Agrarian Reform

 

Socio-economic development of Malai started since 1999. After the integration into the mainstreams of the Cambodian society, each household received 5 ha of land from the government. The forests of Malai, previously infested with landmines, were gradually transformed into agricultural farms. Land distribution allowed all members of the Khmer Rouge armed forces to have land for cultivation. Malai was led by a former Khmer Rouge cadre Tep Khunnal.

 

Graduated engineer of public works, Tep Khunnal left Cambodia for France in 1973 for a further study in Toulouse. Responding to the appeal of Ieng Sary, he returned to Cambodia in 1977 in order to help rebuild the country. However, he ended up at the ‘reeducation camp’, like other returnees from abroad. After spending one year in the ‘reeducation camp’ to do the manual work, he was selected to work at the Department of Engineering of the Phnom Penh Institute of Science and Technology led by Thiounn Mumm. After the fall of the Khmer Rouge, Tep Khunnal fled to the Cambodian-Thai border. Between 1980 and 1993 he served at the Cambodian Mission to the United Nations in New York. In September 1998 Tep Khunnal joined the RGC.

 

Malai district is located 85 km from Svay Sisophon, the Banteay Meanchey provincial town. It is made up by 6 communes, consisting of 41 villages. There are about 7,000 households of 36,000 inhabitants. Among the six communes, one is known for rice production, while five others concentrated on the production of maize, sesame, tapioca and mung bean. Now some  farmers commenced mango plantations. As a result of the agrarian reform, each household has on average 7-9 ha of land.

 

Weather conditions have had considerable impact on agricultural productivity. In the dry season, the problem for the population is to decide what to plant: maize, bean or cassava by taking into account the market demand, the prices and the expected rainfalls during the year. For example, the productivity and the market conditions for maize were good in 2006, due to adequate rainfalls, but less favorable for mung bean and soy bean (which can fetch 3 Bath or 330 riel a kilo.

 

The main agricultural work relies on mechanization. Tractors and agricultural equipment are extensively used to labor the land and transport agricultural products. Therefore, oil prices have had considerable impact on the competitiveness of the farmers. All petroleum products are imported from neighboring Thailand. To benefit from the economies of scales, the farmers are conscious of promoting family-based, large-scale agricultural production in order to increase productivity through improvement in agricultural techniques and create a critical mass for marketing the products.

 

Our study focused on Boeung Beng commune of Malai district. Boeung Beng is bordered with Sampeov Loun district of Battambang Province and Khlong Hat district of Sras Keo Province, Thailand. The population growth in Boeung Beng is high, due to increased immigration in search for new land for farming and business opportunities.

 

3. Microfinance

 

In 1999, Prime Minister Hun Sen sent a microfinance team of the Rural Development Bank (RDB) to Malai to help the people integrate into the mainstreams of the Cambodian economy. At present, the loan portfolio in Malai reached US$1.5 million, provided through the Aid Farmers Association (AFA) and Seila Nithi. Before the launch of microfinance program, the interest rate was as high as 120 percent per annum. At present, the increase in loan portfolio has brought interest rate down to 30 percent for the AFA and 36 percent for Seila Nithi. The RDB also launched a direct credit program with the total amount of $40,000, while interest rate was brought down further to 16 percent.

 

Access to microfinance has had tremendous impact on the livelihoods of the people living along the border areas in Malai district. However, the people living in Komrieng, Phnom Proek, Sampoev Loun and Anlong Veng do not have similar access to microfinance, reflected in their lower level of livelihoods.

 

4. Market Access and Trade

 

Malai district capital is located right on the border with Thailand. The district is connected to Thailand through a regional checkpoint. Trade with Thailand plays a crucial role in agricultural production in Malai. Maize is subject to a zero-tariff rate under the ASEAN Integration System of Preferences (ASIP). Tapioca is subject to a 5-percent tariff rate. However, tapioca is exported to Thailand through unofficial checkpoints (chrok robieng).

 

The experience of Malai suggested that microfinance can work best if combined with the development of processing facility, i.e. by promoting the development of SMEs. For example, the establishment of a drying factory in Malai has had considerable impact on the prices of agricultural products. The RDB granted $400,000 to the AFA to build a drying facility, which purchase maize from the local farmers. The factory runs on the heat produced by burning the straw of maize. Before the establishment of the factory, farmers had to sell their products on credit to Thai traders. Now they can get cash immediately in exchange for the agricultural products that they sell to the association. This provides them with funding to grow other crops such as mung beans and other agricultural cash crops. The factory also creates jobs for some 50-60 people, who previously had to migrate to Thailand for work.

 

The drying factory sells good quality seeds that they buy from the CP Group, Thailand. Farming policy is important to create a critical mass for exports of agricultural products by taking into account the fluctuations of market prices. For that reason, the introduction of a contract farming system could transfer the risk from the farmers to the association, which should be able to take risk and to share, on a more equitable basis, the profit between producers and processors.

 

In order to expand production, the drying facilities need more investment in warehouse and credit to buy more maize to increase stocks; The additional investment is estimated at $500,000.

 

Cost structure for maize production

 

Cambodia enjoys some competitiveness with Thailand in the production of maize, due to the new fertile soil. In Thailand farmers have to use fertilizers to boost productivity. However, the Thai farmers have benefited from lower prices of petroleum products, electricity and better road infrastructure.

 

In Cambodia, maize has to take only grain, weighed and loaded on the tractors, transported to the main roads by tractors; from the main roads trucked to the drying facilities. There are more opportunities for the middlemen to get involved in the marketing process. Trade facilitation fee for getting the products through the Thai border authorities is 1,000 baht per truck.

 

The drying facilities buy 3 baht per kg from the farmers; from snol – 22%; grain is 64%;

 

The farmer pays 280 Bath per rai (40×40 m) for plowing the land and/or 120 Bath for re-plowing; and 120 Baht for planting.

 

Seeds: 14 kg used for 4 rai; one rai use 3.<<Kg; seeds: 1,300 baht per kg;

No fertilizers;

 

Harvesting: 1 rai farmer get 12 bags; 25 baht for harvesting per bag to storage facility; then sell to middleman: if 30% of samnoeum – 3 baht (sras);

if dried to 15% – only grain 500 riel or almost 5 baht ; if only grain;

 

22 baht – the cost of degraining per bag; transporting from storage to road 15 baht;

 

Costs: one ha – 158 dollars per ha for the costs; sales – 8 tons per ha; average 6 tons per ha; one tons – 4,500 baht – more than 100$; the profit is $200-$300 per ha.

 

Compared to other provinces of Cambodia, Malai does not have to pay unofficial transportation fee, which can be substantial to the extent that undermines the competitiveness of Cambodia’s agricultural products.

 

5. Farmer Organization

 

This association established by a Royal Decree is still young and new. The production of fertilizers; revenue management. I thing that we still have more work to do to develop the Boeung Beng commune. The Aid Farmer Association (AFA) is led by Mr. Som Yen, a 51– year-old former Khmer Rouge cadre from Ksach Kandal District, Kandal Province, some 50 km from Phnom Penh. Mr. Som Yen joined the revolution in early 1970s. He is a native of Vihear Suor Commune of Ksach Kandal and used to live in Rokar Chroloeung Commune during the famous assault in 1973. The battle for Vihear Suor was decisive during the war, which led to the downfall of the Lon Nol regime. Assisted by the Vietnamese communists, the Khmer Rouge launched a decisive attack on the Vihear Suor front, which protracted for about three years. During the Khmer Rouge regime, Mr. Som Yin served in the River Transportation Unit at Prek Phnoev, Russei Keo District, Phnom Penh. He fled with the Khmer Rouge and settled down in Malai in 1979. For that reason, another case study on Rokar Chroloeung Commune was conducted to compare the development patterns in both communities.

 

6. The Production of Asparagus

 

A pilot project has been implemented by the association for the production of asparagus on 1.5 rai of land in Boeung Beng Commune, Malai District. The asparagus is sold at Lucky Market (15 kg every two days; US$2 a kilo) and in Siem Reap – US$1.5 a kilo; and 10 kg every two days).

 

The initial investment required was 200,000 Bath for the project which can runs for 5 years. So far there is no profit from the project. Hiring a couple – 6,000 bath to monitor the production. Asparagus plantation relies on irrigation.

 

7. Socio-economic conditions

 

The annual income is estimated at US$1,000 to US$2,000 on average per household. The ability to produce more than one crops per year and high price of agricultural products was an important factor of generating high income.

 

8. Key Issues

 

1.      Infrastructure development – road infrastructure plays an important role in connecting Malai to other districts of Banteay Meanchey and Battambang. Rural road network in Malai district is not well-developed. The reconstruction of a 57-km Route is critical to link Malai to Svay Sisophon, the Banteay Meanchey provincial town. Safe potable water and electricity are also critical for the development of the district.

 

2.      Markets for agricultural products – the livelihoods of the people in Malai district depend on the markets and prices of agricultural products.

 

3.      Irrigation facilities – there is no irrigation facilities in Malai. Agricultural production depends on rainfalls. A plan has been developed to build the O Sampor reservoir with the capacity of 2 million cubic meters and capable of irrigating 4,200 ha. Weather vulnerability has had adverse impact on farmer’s livelihoods. Some families have incurred loss, due to inadequate rainfalls. The ability to plant the cash crops to meet the rainfall conditions of the year is important. Mung bean, for example, requires adequate rainfalls, while tapioca requires less rainfall. In this regard, providing regular meteorological forecasts to the population can make a tremendous impact on the people’s livelihoods;

 

4.      Microfinance – the current interest rate is still high. At present, the loan portfolio amounted to US$1.5 million (including US$400,000 – for the drying facility. The demand for microfinance is estimated at US$3 million more for Malai and other former KR strongholds, such as Sampoev Loun, Phnom Proek and Komrieng districts;

 

5.      Human Resource Development – There are four high schools in four of the six communes: Takong, Beong Beng, Malai and Pong Ror. Two more high schools are being established in the other two communes: O Sampor and Tuol Pongror. The decision to establish a new university in Banteay Meanchey is very much welcomed by the people of Malai. Now only a limited number of people can send their children to get tertiary education in Phnom Penh or Battambang. In this regard, a regional training policy should be developed in order to ensure that after finishing their studies, the new graduates come to work in Malai. For this reason, it is important to recruit, through a quota-based allotment of recruitment, students from Malai to study at the University of Medical Sciences, the Royal University of Agriculture, the University of Law and Economics, the University of Phnom Penh so that they would return to work in Malai after graduation.

 

6.      Seeds – the people in Malai have benefited from better market infrastructure in Thailand. They buy seeds from the CP group, which produce good-quality, high-yielded seeds that play an important role in boosting agricultural productivity.

 

7.      Extension services – Modernizing production process through improvement in agricultural techniques can have a far-reaching impact on both productivity and diversification. In this regard, the local authorities have promoted the dissemination of agricultural extension in order to increase productivity, to reduce logging and to plant trees.

 

8.      Diversification – the policy of diversification should take into account the cost structures and market conditions of specific agricultural products. For example, in 2006 the local farmers have decided to expand tapioca plantation to 1,500 ha, due to higher demand. Compared to maize production, tapioca needs only one-fourth of the rainfalls. However, the negative side of tapioca plantation is that there is no market for tapioca. Moreover, tapioca is also subjected to higher tariff rates, compared to the zero-tariff for maize (AISP). Fresh tapioca is subjected to a 5-percent import tariff, while dried tapioca is subject to 30 percent of import duties. The farm gate price for fresh tapioca is 550 – 600 Bath per ton. In terms of profitability, from one rai of maize production the farmer can obtain 6,400 Bath for the period of 4 months, while they can get 5,200 Bath for the plantation of tapioca during10-11 months. In this regard, the farmers must weigh carefully a number of factors: rainfalls, time, prices and seeds. Other areas for diversification are: acquaculture, poultry and livestock breeding.

“Khmer Dances” is a book written by a Cambodian scholar and artist Pich Tum Kravel. He is also author of other books, such as “Sbek Thom: Khmer Shadow Theater”, ”Colour Leather and Shadow Puppet”, “Khmer Mask Theater: Lakhon Khol” and “Khmer Performing Arts”.

Pich Tum Kravel is not just an author. He himself was an artist in the 1970s ad 1980s. He performed in the Yike Theatre on topics such as “Tum and Team”, the Cambodian version of Romeo and Julliette, “Mak Thoeung” etc.

I have the priviledge of knowing him personnally, especially between 1973-1975. At that time my father, Hang Chuon, was the Dean of the Faculty of Dance and Administrator of the University of Fine Arts. The Khmer Rouge attacked Takhmao, the provincial capital of Kandal province and held the area for a few days. I got stuck over there. We had to move back to live in Phnom Penh. While my family was looking for an appartment at the Grey Building of Front Bassac, we spent about 5 months living at the Front Bassac or Suramarith Theatre. Then I spent days watching Cambodian performing arts. This was how I learnt about Khmer dances and Khmer culture. At that time, my father-in-law, Pen Navuth, was director of the theatre and professor of the University of Fine Arts. In the 1980s, he became Minister for Education of Cambodia.

This was how I met Cambodian artisits. Their plight was not easy. They had a hard time during the Khmer Rouge. Only a few of them survived the genocidal regime. Pich Tum Kravel was the student of my father. I know him as Lok Pou Tort.

I would recommend all of you to read the books written by Mr. Pich Tum Kravel.

Rokar Chunleung Commune (Kandal Province)

I work as an activist to promote development at Rokar Chuleung Commune. I have a very committed team to work during the weekend at this rural community, which has seen a lot of positive changes during the last five years.

Geographical location and proximity – Rokar Chunleung commune locates in Kandal Province, situating 40 kilometers from Phnom Penh and bordering next to Kompong Cham. Aside markets in Phnom Penh, Rokar Chunleung commune conducts trade in Preak Tamak, locates 5 kilometer northwest of Rokar Chunleung commune. The communities such as Preak Tamak and Roka Chralung are connected in part by paved roads, in part by non-paved roads but all must cross the Mekong River by ferries. From Preak Tamak, people commute to Phnom Penh across the Mekong by ferries whose capacity load include heavy equipment, automobiles and freighters crossing the Mekong River in that commuters, distributors and freighters can transport goods to their respective market destination. In short, it is evidence that people and communities are connected by physical infrastructure, namely roads and river albeit conditions of the roads and mode of transportation require more investment.

 

Economic structure – the economic structure of Rokar Chunleung commune is predominantly agricultural, namely rice cultivation, livestock and family scale gardening. Micro-economic development is essentially for progressive economic growth. Neither community plants cash crops, vegetables or produce. Researchers found no indications of economies of scale in terms of production, trade and investment and very limited number of seller and vendors. There is no indication of arts and crafts, textile or local production schemes such as farmer association, or farming extension service. Primary family incomes come from farming which is weather dependence and market performance. A family can earn at most US$250 where production cost is approximately 50% of the total revenue. In short, many families rely on complimentary income from non-farming income from the garment sector, construction, household services and other forms of migrant related work.

 

Market structure – the market structure of Rokar Chunleung commune is relatively embryonic, lacking trade and has a limited number of seller and buyer. There is very little competition affecting the price of commodity per se the price of rice where there is one family who purchases rice from farmers then resale at Preak Tamak. The economic good of these communities is leaning on supply side of the economy but merely generate substantial demand for production and consumption. Therefore, trade and service, finance, investment production, access and connectivity to the market is very minimal and at best very scarce. For these communities, in general, rice production requires land, seed and water and fertilizer but a family of four members receives only one ha of land, which equal to 25 meters square of land per person. Fertilizer costs 8000 Khmer Riels per bag of 50kg. A farmer requires 100 kilogram of fertilizers per ha, when there is adequate water for rice production, the average yield would be 2 tons per ha. Market price for the rice is seasonal; averaging price is 600 to 700 Khmer Riels per kilogram. Assuming if a farmer production yields 2 tons per ha and sell the rice at 700 Riels, his total revenue would be 1,400,000 Khmer Riels, but if he hires labor for harvest that would cost him 130,000 Khmer Riels, and adding the cost of 100 kilograms of fertilizer would accumulate additional cost of 16,000 Khmer Riels that would give him a net revenue of 1,255,000 million Khmer Riels, and with the exchange rate of 4200 Khmer Riels per US$1.0. If all factors remain constant, not considering externalities, transaction cost, transportation, energy, administrative cost and up to date mode of production, the farmer would take home US$298.0 which is still low.

 

Socio-Economic condition – Rokar Chunleung commune is dependent on farming and non-farming revenues. Primary income (farming) averages from US$150.00 per year/per family to US$250.00 per year/per family. These are figures are low compare to the national average per capita income of US$506.0 (2006). Therefore local earning here is inadequate that in effect undermines people living standards which could be improved when and if these communities diversify production and trade. Electrification and paved roads are primitive, underground water is primarily for household consumption not for irrigation. There are schools and health service centers. However, basic education is available for junior high and high school levels, no technical or vocational school available.

 

Production and Market Related Issues – the most fundamental economic and development challenge for Rokar Chunleung commune is their lack of comparative advantage, specialization and creativity as well as some management issues. Management issue in this case study strictly focuses on water management usage. Researchers learned that World Vision provided two reservoirs to the communities for household gardening. World Vision also provided several pumping wells, and FAO had sponsored several short-training courses on animal husbandry and Avian Influenza prevention. But the communities need large scale reservoirs and water stockade to sustain adequate water resource for large scale rice planting and cultivation. Both communities need an aqueduct system and water management system. Although, underground water is abundant, it cannot be used for rice paddy and gardening because high chalk harms rice seeds, plant, output and growth. As a result, rice yield and output has not been satisfactory due in part to the lack of water, bad water quality, but also due in part to the lack of technical-know how in using fertilizer and cultivation. Farmers tend to over apply or under apply the proper amount of fertilizer on the paddy. Adding to the existing challenges of low rice yield, productivity, resource constraint, and comparative advantage, members of these communities are lacking alternative specialization of non-farming skills to sustain adequate secondary income. To say the least, these communities not only have to improve the supply side capacity in farming but they also must acquire non-farming skills to generate secondary income. Unless technical and innovative measures, for example, water management, production capacity and marketing schemes are implemented, farmers of these communities continue to lose out in the market competition and market share.

 

Infrastructure – as infrastructure is expected to facilitate market operation and distribution. But in the case of Rokar Chunleung commune, on investment in improving competitiveness would be more cost effective because the existing infrastructure, especially roads are already adequate for small-scale transportation and distribution of good.

 

Policy Response – policy response should be in terms of micro-economic development. Assistance in market coordination, capacity improvement, promotion, specialization and diversification would help to improve resource allocation, market connection and community participation in the market system. At the present, short-term assistance would be more cost effective than long-term investment. Short-term assistance in the area of capacity building such as training in non-farming specialization, also water management; for instance, building large scale water stockades and reservoirs would help to increase community access to water for agricultural production. Technical training in agricultural knowledge-base would improve agricultural management and production yield. Intermediate-term assistance in basic education, vocational training, training in management and market promotion, investment in agricultural diversification; and short-term credit facilitation would enable the basic thrust for market connectivity. Long-term assistance would be investment in infrastructure, paved roads, electrification, long-term finance and credits, and agricultural diversification.

 

This article was written by Hang Thun Hak, Chancellor of the Royal University of Fine Arts in January 1968. At that time my father, Hang Chuon, was professor of arts at the university. During that time, he had worked with King Father Norodom Sihanouk in his movie adventures. In 1969, my father was appointed Secretary General of the Fine Arts University Conservatory, and in 1973 he was the Dean of the Dance Faculty and Administrator of the University of Fine Arts.

Mr. Hang Thun Hak was born on 2 August 1926, in Prek Kak, Stoeung Trang district, Kompong Cham province, eastern Cambodia. He was educated in France and was considered as the father of the Cambodian speaking theatre (Théâtre Parlé). He was Prime Minister of Cambodia (1972-73) under Lon Nol and was killed in April 1975. Mr. Hang Thun Hak was a teacher and a mentor of my father and many of Cambodian artists.

The following aricle is on the Cambodian Royal Ballet, which was inscriped in the Intangible World Heritage List in 2003.

 

Cet art n’est pas inaccessible au profane mais a une valeur universelle qu’au début du siècle notait Auguste Rodin : “Ces Cambodgiennes nous ont donné tout ce que l’antique peut contenir ; leur antique à elles qui vaut le nôtre. Nous avons vécu trois jours d’il y a trois mille ans. Il est impossible de voir la nature humaine portée à cette perfection. Il n’y a eu qu’elles et les Grecs”.

Aussi loin que l’on remonte dans l’histoire du Cambodge, la danse semble avoir été un des aspects les plus délicats de l’art khmer. Aussi les bas-reliefs qui ornent les grands temples de l’époque classique sont-ils emplis de ces danseuses célestes, les Apsaras, venues du paradis d’Indra pour le plus grand plaisir des rois.         

 La tradition est si fortement enracinée que le Ballet royal a pu se maintenir sous une forme assez pure jusqu’à nos jours. Actuellement, dirigé personnellement par S. M. la Reine, il conserve une importance qui lui a valu une renommée internationale. En effet, le ballet s’est écarté des influences extérieures par le fait qu’il garde, au palais royal, le rôle rituel d’offrandes aux mânes des souverains défunts. Les danses sont précédées de rites propitiatoires qui, de ce fait, figent pour toujours le drame représenté et la chorégraphie qui l’accompagne. Si les danses ont perdu en partie leur caractère sacré, elles n’en gardent pas moins une importante fonction rituelle.

Cependant, le Ballet royal reste une école vivante : près de trois cents enfants suivent chaque semaine les cours de danse enseignés par dix-neuf maîtresses de ballet ou par les étoiles actuelles. L’entraînement est pénible. Commencé à l’âge de quatre ans, il comporte des exercices d’assouplissement général, d’élongation des doigts, etc., qui permettront quelques années plus tard à la jeune élève de s’initier à la chorégraphie classique proprement dite.

La base même du répertoire est le Reamker version cambodgienne du Ramâyâna indien, transmis oralement au cours des siècles et peu à peu adapté à la mentalité et aux coutumes cambodgiennes. Quelques épisodes tirés du Mahabarata et des légendes cambodgiennes sont aussi parfois représentés. Quelques tableaux de danse pure complètent ce vaste ensemble.

La troupe du Ballet royal comprend actuellement une danseuse-étoile, la princesse Bopha Devi, cinq premières danseuses, cinq hommes et dix-huit ballerines formant le corps de ballet.

S. M. la Reine apporte un soin particulièrement attentif et vigilant pour que les moindres détails de chorégraphie soient respectés afin que se perpétue intacte une tradition qui risquerait vite de se perdre à notre époque.

Il est difficile de décrire ces danses en quelques lignes. La caractéristique de la chorégraphie classique cambodgienne est que la danse ne possède pas de gestes fixes, mais des figures en perpétuel mouvement, ce qui donne à l’ensemble une fluidité unique en Asie. Vingt-quatre musiciens et dix choristes accompagnent les gracieuses évolutions des danseuses khmères, vêtues d’habits brodés de fils d’or et parées de splendides bijoux. Ce qui frappe d’ailleurs, c’est l’aspect mimé de ces danses, dont les gestes stylisés à l’extrême confèrent à l’ensemble un caractère à la fois théâtral et chorégraphique. Tel geste, lié à un port de tête particulier et à une position bien définie des bras et des jambes, a valeur de mot et les mouvements enchaînés les uns aux autres prennent alors valeur de phrases. Chaque personnage combine des gestes qui lui sont propres et dont les danseuses ne sauraient s’écarter. Les règles les plus strictes façonnent chaque suite de mouvements, même si leurs symboles sont maintenant inconnus des ballerines qui continuent néanmoins de les reproduire fidèlement. Un entraînement méticuleux leur fait répéter chaque figure au centimètre près, ce qui explique que la tradition, transmise pourtant oralement, ait pu se conserver jusqu’à nos jours.

Ainsi, on comprends mieux pourquoi le corps de Ballet classique cambodgien fait du palais royal de Phnom-Penh un des hauts lieux artistiques de l’Asie. En cela, il mérite que l’on apporte à sa conservation les soins les plus attentifs.

 

Le Ballet Royal du Cambodge devient Chef d’œuvre du patrimoine oral et immatériel de l’humanité à l’UNESCO en novembre 2003. Après l’inscription du Site historique d’Angkor en 1993, site du patrimoine mondial, la Danse classique khmère fait désormais partie du patrimoine de l’humanité. Cette distinction internationale consacre les exemples les plus remarquables des manifestations orales et formes d’expression culturelle de toutes les régions du monde. Par une action concrète et immédiate, ce programme souligne l’importance de la sauvegarde et de la protection du patrimoine oral et immatériel.

La décision de présenter la candidature de la Danse classique khmère remonte à 2001. Pendant un an, un groupe d’experts et d’artistes a travaillé pour démontrer la valeur exceptionnelle de la Danse classique khmère et aussi proposer un plan d’action détaillé pour le futur.

Une fois remis à l’UNESCO, il a été évalué par des personnalités internationalement reconnues pour leur expertise en matière de patrimoine immatériel. Suivant leurs recommandations, le Directeur Général de l’UNESCO a proclamé la Danse classique khmère ‘Chef d’œuvre du patrimoine oral et immatériel de l’humanité’.

Cette reconnaissance internationale est, avant tout, un formidable encouragement pour le futur. Cet événement marque une nouvelle étape dans l’action de sauvegarde et de promotion de la Danse classique khmère et du patrimoine culturel immatériel cambodgien. Pour célébrer cela, le Ministère de la Culture et des Beaux-Arts organisera fin novembre une représentation spéciale de Danse classique khmère ainsi que d’autres activités.

 

On 28th and 29th July 2008, about 100 armed Thai troops surrounded two Khmer temples, Prasat Ta Moan Thom and Prasat Ta Moan Toch, located in Cambodia’s Banteay Ampil District, Oddar Meanchey Province. I would like to take this opportunity to provide you with some details about the two temples. The two temples are located on the saddle of the Dangrek mountain range, some 150 km west of Prasat Preah Vihear, where more than 600 thai troops have tried to cut off the only road access to the temple from the Cambodian side.

Prasat Ta Moan Thom

Prasat Ta Moan Thom means in Khmer “Great Temple of Grandfather Moan”. This south-facing temple enshrined a linga svayambhuva (’self-born linga’), which might indicated that a linga was found at the site. The temple was the site of a hermitage during the pre-Angkor period. According to an inscription from the early years of Suryavarman I’s reign, the Prasat Ta Moan Thom was once named Shivapada pashcima - means “The Western Footprint of God Shiva”. 

The early hermit community who venerated linga (representing hindu God Shiva) had built a wooden structure to shelter it (as it was the beginning of the construction of Prasat Preah Vihear). Later on a sandstone temple was built on the site to shelter the linga. The temple was built in phases, like in the case of Prasat Preah Vihear. The expansion of the temple was made to the south of the original site, where the slope fell steeply on the side of the hill. There are several linga on the rock-strewn ground.

The central sanctuary houses the ”Svayambhuva linga” that had been worshipped from very early times by a community of hermits. It is preceded by by a three-section pavillion (mandapa). Two libraries open to the west are located on both sides of the main shrine. Two more temples were added in the rear at a later date to the central sanctuaries. A rectangular enclosure (46 metres north-south and 36 metres east-west) consists of a series of galaries sourrounding the central sanctuary. There are three entrance gateways east, north and west, each with triple passageways. The main gate, the fourth gate, faces south, with a large Gopura (central hall). In front of the main gate, there is a high laterite esplanade overlooking the steep descent towards the Cambodian plain. In the rear outside of the enclosure, there is a water pond.

Prasat Ta Moan Thom grew in importance, especially from Jayavarman V’s reign onwards. There is a hospital and a Fire temple attached to it. At least Jayavarman VII had visited the temple once.

Prasat Ta Moan Toch

Prasat Ta Moan Toch means “a Small Temple of Grandfather Moan”. It serves as Khmer ‘hospital chapel’. The Khmers built many shrines known as ‘hospital chapels’ throughout the Khmer Empire. Jayavarman VII had built 102 such hospitals to place the sick under the protection of the ‘healing Buddha’ Bhaishajyaguru.

The classic layout of the hospital chapel of Ta Moan Toch seems to have been originally intended to open to all four cardinal points, bu the west, north and south doorways have been blocked up. The ground plan is idential for all the hospial chapels. The temple is enclosed within a wall of modest dimensions and consists of a sanctuary preceded by a mandapa (pavillion). There is a library open east through a pavillion. As usual located in the north-east corner, there is a laterite water pond characteristic of such chapels.

The Fire Shrine of Ta Moan

The Ta Moan’s Fire Shrine is located some 1,500 metres north of Ta Moan Thom. All Khmer Fire Shrines are built to the same model: doors to the east and west and windows only on the south facade. The Fire Shrines have a special architechtural shape. They were built along the ancient main roads so that travellers could rest after a long walk. In present day’s Cambodia the Fire Shrine is called Sala Chhor Team, a cottage without wall where a traveller can rest and drink water. The Fire Shrines have been designated as dharmasala, but their Sanskrit name means “the house of fire”.

The building of Fire Shrines began since the reign of Suryavarman I until the reign of Jayavarman VII who had commissioned the building of many such dharmasala.

Le sous-titre de l’ouvrage qui est entre vos mains – les défis de la réforme – rappelle quel lourd défi ont accepté ses auteurs en entreprenant une telle somme sur les finances publiques du Cambodge.

 

Le résultat est d’abord à apprécier à l’aune de cette ambition et des difficultés extrêmes de la tâche.

De leur cadre de référence doctrinal à leurs outils et modes opératoires, les finances publiques du Cambodge sont encore en devenir.  L’ensemble déjà considérable et multiforme des textes organiques et législatifs en vigueur n’est pas facile à rendre avec clarté et cohérence. Nombre de dispositions et de pratiques  obsolètes restent en vigueur. Des principes de gestion, retracés dans cet ouvrage, sont encore à mettre en œuvre de façon effective  et générale. Des dispositions récentes, faute d’appropriation suffisante, restent en partie inappliquées. Des expériences pilote, en matière par exemple de programmes prioritaires et de suppléments salariaux, coexistent avec des procédures et pratiques qui en limitent le plein effet.

Au fil des années et des influences diverses dont elles ont été l’objet, des efforts intenses de modernisation qu’elles traversent et des pratiques nouvelles qu’elles intègrent constamment, les finances publiques du Cambodge sont devenues  un ensemble difficile à saisir et donc à présenter de façon totalement structurée et cohérente.

 

Guidés par le souci pédagogique qui est au cœur de leur démarche, les auteurs ont d’abord tenu à replacer les finances publiques dans le cadre juridique et organisationnel de l’Etat, des comparaisons internationales fournissant un début de mise en perspective. Ils ont aussi voulu couvrir le champ le plus large, du budget  et de ses composantes aux marchés publics, de la fiscalité aux questions de décentralisation, privatisation et informatisation, des problèmes de paiements extérieurs et de dette aux règles de comptabilité publique. La référence constante aux textes et  leur abondante citation directe, même lorsque quelques incertitudes subsistent quant à leur interprétation, met enfin l’accent sur le concret, permet un travail d’approfondissement personnel et invite au perfectionnement de  l’ouvrage au fur et à mesure des modifications et des évolutions. La démarche visant à fournir aux étudiants et aux  futurs cadres du pays un ouvrage d’initiation aux missions économiques régaliennes et au fonctionnement financier de  l’Etat dispose désormais d’une base jusqu’alors introuvable.

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Il fallait donc se lancer dans l’exercice, aussi ardu soit-il. Il fallait, malgré des embûches de toutes sortes, tenter de fournir un document synthétique – fut-il à compléter et préciser. Il fallait enfin s’efforcer de saisir dans toute son ampleur le chantier des finances publiques cambodgiennes, à la recherche de plus d’efficacité et de transparence, et ce faisant démontrer son importance cruciale dans l’émergence d’un Etat souverain moderne.

 

Jean-Daniel Gardère

 

 

Un livre sur les finances publiques pourrait susciter deux réactions. Soit considérer que ce sujet devrait être laissé aux experts, comptables et économistes, qui s’intéressent aux chiffres et aux finances. Soit ignorer ce livre par frustration vis-à-vis des performances des finances publiques sur la vie quotidienne (trop de corruption, pas assez de résultats pour les citoyens).

 L’excellent ouvrage de Hang Chuon Naron et Patrick Gilbert-Desvallons nous rappelle au contraire l’importance critique d’un système de finances publiques efficace et transparent. La capacité de l’Etat cambodgien à collecter ses revenus et financer les services publics et les investissements publics – des taches critiques pour la stabilité et la croissance du pays, ainsi que pour le bien-être de ses citoyens – dépendent en grande part de la qualité du système de finances publiques. La capacité des dirigeants cambodgiens à prendre de bonnes décisions de politique économique et à les mettre en œuvre dépend aussi largement des systèmes d’informations financières et de l’efficacité de la gestion des finances publiques. Enfin, la bonne information des citoyens et électeurs cambodgiens dépend en grande partie de la qualité des données financières et la transparence à leur égard.

 

Comme le décrit cet ouvrage, le système de finances publiques du Cambodge est tout à la fois une bonne base de départ et une longue liste de reformes nécessaires. Le système de base est rationnel et approprié pour une bonne gestion. Mais la mise en œuvre des textes est inégale et le système est exposé à de nombreuses difficultés. Tout d’abord, la capacité de la fonction publique, érodée par des années de conflit, est limitée et le Gouvernement a peine à attirer des employés qualifiés, en particulier du fait de salaires très faibles. Le grand nombre de bailleurs de fonds ajoute à la complexité car beaucoup d’entres eux ont des procédures particulières (en conséquence, au lieu de devoir être expert d’un système – le leur –, les fonctionnaires cambodgiens doivent connaître un grand nombre de systèmes !). Cette fragmentation des ressources nuit également à la lisibilité des comptes publics et à la capacité du gouvernement à les gérer efficacement. La liste des difficultés et enjeux est longue.

 

Dans ce livre, Hang Chuon Naron et Patrick Gilbert-Desvallons mettent en valeur non seulement le système tel qu’il fonctionne aujourd’hui, mais également le programme de reforme que le gouvernement a conçu et initié en 2004. Ce programme, supporté et financé par un consortium de plus d’une douzaine de bailleurs de fonds – dont la Banque Mondiale –, présente l’intérêt de confronter toutes les failles du système, tout en adoptant une approche pragmatique par « plateforme » : cette approche reconnaît que tout ne peut pas être changé immédiatement, mais que toutes les reformes doivent être coordonnées pour conduire à un véritable changement (à quoi bon avoir un bon budget si on ne peut le dépenser comme prévu ?).

 

Cet excellent ouvrage sera un livre de référence pour tous ceux qui veulent comprendre comment fonctionnent les finances publiques au Cambodge, quels en sont les points forts et faibles, quelles sont les complexités, les reformes en cours. Il servira en particulier à tous ceux – dans le gouvernement et à l’extérieur – qui s’intéresse ou participe au processus de reforme et contribuera à donner à chacun un cadre de référence commun. Il servira aussi à un public plus large intéressé, mais peut-être freiné par la complexité de ce domaine. Je ne peux que souhaiter que cet ouvrage soit régulièrement mis à jour pour qu’il conserve sa pertinence au cours des années à venir.

 

Enfin, je tiens à saluer le rôle de Hang Chuon Naron dans ce projet de réforme des finances publiques. En tant que Secrétaire Général du Ministère de l’Economie et des Finances, il joue un rôle à la fois de concepteur et de mise en œuvre et un grand nombre des reformes décrites dans cet ouvrage lui doivent beaucoup. Les finances publiques du Cambodge lui seront à présent également redevables d’un remarquable ouvrage de référence sur la question.

                                                              Stéphane Guimbert,

 Économiste à la Banque Mondiale

 

 

Introduction

 

Le présent ouvrage est destiné d’une part aux étudiants, et d’autres part aux praticiens qui veulent connaître et comprendre l’organisation et le fonctionnement des finances publiques du Cambodge. Il fait référence aux bonnes pratiques internationales et précise quand c’est nécessaire le vocabulaire utilisé.

Il traite tout d’abord dans une première partie du système des finances publiques dans quelques grands pays de la planète, pour en extraire les principes fondamentaux. Il aborde ensuite dans une deuxième partie le cadre juridique des finances publiques au Cambodge : la Constitution et les Institutions qu’elle crée, la loi relative aux lois de finances et au système budgétaire et les règles fondamentales de la préparation et de l’exécution budgétaire : règlement de la comptabilité publique, organisation du Contrôle financier, règlementation des marchés publics, organisation de l’audit interne et de l’Autorité Nationale d’Audit. Il aborde dans une troisième partie le contexte régional des finances publiques. Enfin, dans une quatrième partie, l’ouvrage veut faire le bilan des lacunes et expliquer l’ambition et le défi des réformes en-cours.

Les principaux textes sont fournis en annexe, ainsi que d’autres documents, comme certaines nomenclatures, qui permettrons d’aller dans le détail des réformes. Nous espérons que ce travail sera utile aux publics auxquels il est destiné.

Les essais économiques du Dr. Hang Chuon Naron vont beaucoup plus loin que leur appellation ne le laisse suppose. En dépit de la naturelle modestie de leur auteur, il s’agit de travaux solides qui constituent une référence incontournable pour tous ceux qui veulent mesurer et comprendre la surprenante performance économique du Cambodge,  apprécier son degré de durabilité et dresser un tableau raisonné des risques et opportunités qui vont déterminer l’avenir du pays.

 

Economiste qu’une longue pratique des chiffres dans un paysage statistique encore perfectible a rendu prudent, le Dr Naron brasse avec dextérité toutes les données disponibles pour donner de son pays, qui n’est simple qu’en apparence, une image aussi fidèle que possible. Soucieux de pédagogie et de formation, dans un pays où l’activité économique tend depuis quelques années à croître plus vite que les capacités institutionnelles et humaines susceptibles d’en maîtriser et orienter le cours, le Dr. Naron présente ses analyses avec précision et clarté selon des schémas logiques qui empruntent aux meilleures écoles de culture anglo-saxonne et française. Il nous fait d’ailleurs l’honneur de publier ce recueil en français, témoignant ainsi de son propre attachement mais aussi de celui du Gouvernement Royal du Cambodge en général et du Ministre d’Etat chargé de l’Economie et des Finances en particulier à cette langue. 

 

Attaché au concret, désireux de ne pas déconnecter la macro de la micro économie, en dépit de ses hautes et larges responsabilités au MEF et au SNEC, le Dr. Naron ne cesse de rester ancré dans l’économie réelle et de montrer à ses lecteurs que la croissance résulte d’une alchimie réussie entre réglage monétaire, discipline budgétaire et fiscale et durabilité des dynamiques sectorielles. Sous cet angle, il n’hésite jamais à se plonger dans le détail  des forces et faiblesses des principaux moteurs de l’économie cambodgienne : tourisme, confection, construction. Il restitue aussi à l’agriculture – qui représente avec presque 1/3 du PIB et plus des 2/3 de la population active un enjeu économique majeur et un défi social crucial –  l’importance qui est la sienne mais qu’occulte parfois la fascination, par ailleurs assez légitime, qu’exercent sur nombre d’observateurs les politiques néolibérales d’ouverture radicale aux échanges et  leur impact sur les autres piliers de la croissance.

 

Enfin et peut-être surtout, l’analyste engagé qu’est le Dr. Naron n’oublie pas les responsabilités dont il est porteur : ses observations s’inscrivent dans le monde réel ; et ses préconisations appartiennent au monde du possible. Il sait qu’il convient, dans ce pays en transition économique récemment rendu à la paix civile, où les effets de plusieurs décennies de déchirement et les stigmates de la pauvreté extrême qui prévalait il y a une douzaine d’années n’ont pas été tous résorbés, d’agir avec modération, pas à pas  mais globalement, à tous les niveaux possibles.

 

Le lecteur trouvera donc dans ces essais ample matière à réflexion sur les facteurs matériels et institutionnels essentiels de compétitivité qui détermineront la poursuite de la croissance ainsi que sur le juste chemin dont l’économie et la société cambodgienne ont besoin.

 

 

Jean-Daniel Gardère

Conseiller Economique et Financier

Chef des missions économiques françaises au Cambodge et au Laos